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Democratic Republic of Congo Forums Exposed The ADF, formerly known as ADF-Nalu (Allied Democratic Forces – National Army for the Liberation of Uganda)

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    The ADF, formerly known as ADF-Nalu (Allied Democratic Forces – National Army for the Liberation of Uganda), is a Ugandan rebellion which raged in the region of the “Great North”, northern part of the province of North Kivu, bordering the Uganda, between Lake Albert and Lake Edward, stronghold of the Nande ethnic group.

    According to extensive research by DESC, the ADF appeared in the early 1990s (1992 for several sources), from the merger of two armed groups opposed to Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, in power since 1986. The Nalu component (National Army for Liberation of Uganda), which was waging a war to overthrow the Museveni regime, has since disappeared. However, the movement retained the ADF designation by refocusing its bastions and its activities mainly inside the DRC, in the Beni region, by congolating in a way.

    After Mundos, does General Delphin Kahimbi become the new boss of the “presumed ADF / MTM” ?   

    By Jean-Jacques Wondo Omanyundu

    The Beni region has been facing a series of repetitive and extremely violent massacres since October 2014. These massacres are attributed to the Ugandan ADF rebellion (Allied Democratic Forces). However, after the launch of the military operation Sokola 1 in the northern part of North Kivu in January 2014, this rebellion was practically decapitated.

    Its leader, Jamil Mukulu, had fled Beni in February 2014 and was hiding in Kigoma in Tanzania where he was arrested and extradited to Uganda in July 2015. He has since been imprisoned. His commanders were killed one after the other and the little that remains of the movement is on the run. In January 2015, UN experts said in their report that the ADF remains only “thirty soldiers, 30 to 40 commanders (who do not participate in the fighting), more women and children. The soldiers are said to have no weapons or ammunition and are deprived of sources of supplies and equipment.”[1

    These elements were such as to show that the (original) ADFs hardly exist anymore and have not been able to regenerate when all their stronghold had passed under FARDC control and their leaders had been neutralized. Indeed, during the visit of the FARDC and UPDF Chiefs of General Staff, the Ugandan Army, in Madina, one of the headquarters of the ADF taken over at the time by General Bahuma, the FARDC (Congolese army) had declared that the ADF had been defeated. There remained only about three hundred isolated, scattered and wandering combatants. And the rest would only be a matter for the Police. Without adequate combat means and logistical support to continue the fighting, with its decapitated command, the ADF had no longer carried out attacks in Beni between April and September 2014[2], following operations by the late General Bahuma. How to explain the massacres which are allotted to him after the death of this last and the change of operating mode? Who are the new killers of Beni baptized ADF/MTM? What role does General Delphin Kahimbi, the chief of military intelligence of the FARDC, play in the current security situation in the east of the DRC? These are the questions that this analysis will attempt to answer.

    Who are the original ADFs? 

    The ADF, formerly known as ADF-Nalu (Allied Democratic Forces – National Army for the Liberation of Uganda), is a Ugandan rebellion which raged in the region of the “Great North”, northern part of the province of North Kivu, bordering the Uganda, between Lake Albert and Lake Edward, stronghold of the Nande ethnic group.

    According to extensive research by DESC, the ADF appeared in the early 1990s (1992 for several sources), from the merger of two armed groups opposed to Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, in power since 1986. The Nalu component (National Army for Liberation of Uganda), which was waging a war to overthrow the Museveni regime, has since disappeared. However, the movement retained the ADF designation by refocusing its bastions and its activities mainly inside the DRC, in the Beni region, by congolating in a way.

    Supported for a moment by Sudan, the ADF was originally composed mainly of Muslim fighters from the Tabliqh[3] , a Muslim missionary sect. The ADF was chaired between 2007 and 2014 by Jamil Mukulu, a Christian converted to Islam.

    According to a senior DEMIAP officer, Mukulu maintained good relations with Joseph Kabila and sometimes resided in Kinshasa at State expense. Relations between the two men deteriorated over the issue of Kabila’s failure to pay financial commitments to Mukulu. It is then that Mukulu decided to setter his maquis in Mayikosa, near Erengeti and that Kabila, via General Delphin Kahimbi, will infiltrate the ADF by corrupting close collaborators of Mukulu, weaken his bases in Beni and push Mukulu to the exile in Tanzania.

    According to Jacques Siwako, a veteran of the APC[4], the armed wing of the former RCD-ML rebellion, led by Mbusa Nyamwisi and supported by Uganda, and subsequently integrated into the FARDC after 2003, which had fought and “defeated” the ADF [5]: “The ADF- Nalu is an armed group made up mainly of Muslims from Uganda supported by the Mobutu government with a colonel who was at the time based in Beni, Colonel Mayala [6] To broaden its base, the group recruited young Nande in Beni. These young people were not necessarily Muslim at the base. After Mobutu’s fall, Mzee (Laurent-Désiré) Kabila took them over on his behalf and installed their headquarters in Nairobi (in a corner commonly known as Livingston for those who know Nairobi) where their liaison officer  was  the current FARDC general Akili Muhindo, commonly known as Mundos the latter coordinated operations with Jamil Mukulu, the former head of the ADF. We have tried in vain to stop them several times. Our intelligence services were informed that they continued to recruit in Muslim churches in Beni, Butembo, Goma etc. The former governor of North Kivu, Julien Paluku is also part of this religion, his real name Ali Kahongya. Thus, the latter, in collusion with his political ally Kabila, had sent his little brother well known under the nickname of KAPLIKO (a radical Muslim and chief DGRNK OICHA) to Oicha so that he was in contact with Jamil Mukulu to receive the ADF transfers”.  

    According to another source of FARDC military intelligence, “The ADF is at the base a Ugandan rebellion of the Yira of Uganda installed in Beni territory since 1992 at the time of Mobutu, from where it was carrying out its attacks against the Museveni diet. Originally, the majority of ADF/NALU troops were Nande from Uganda who had converted to Islam. Gradually, this rebellion was rooted in the DRC by forging strong links and affinities with their brothers, the Beni Nande: wedding, business, funeral etc.” These affinities with certain Congolese have also been confirmed by UN experts who affirmed in a report dated June 20, 2012 that “two former ADF combatants and the Ugandan intelligence services claim that the ADF has received transfers from London, Kenya and Uganda, brought together by Congolese intermediaries in Beni and Butembo, in North Kivu. The same sources cited by UN experts maintain that the ADF also financed itself by a network of taxis operating in the border area and took advantage of gold and the export of timber to Uganda.[7]

    From ADF- Nalu to “ADF / MTM”: change of operating mode since the death of General Lucien Bahuma

    Analyzes of the modes of action of African rebellions clearly show that a rebellion is always based on a neighboring country which serves as a base for withdrawal and logistical supply. If the original ADF obtained the support of the DRC to attack Uganda, it is clear that since August 2014, Uganda has ceased to be the target of the new-look “ADF “. It is rather towards the Congolese Nande civilian populations, including Muslims, that these “presumed ADFs” mainly direct their attacks according to a different operating mode from that used by the original ADFs.

    In a FARDC operations maneuver plan document received by DESC before the launch of Operation Sokola 1 in Beni in January 2014, we can read:

    STRENGTH: The ADF is estimated at around 650 combatants, 40% of whom are Congolese. Their dependents are also estimated at 750 people, among whom women and children are trained to carry out guerrilla warfare. Among the ranks of the ADF are Ugandans, Burundians, Rwandans and Ethiopians.


    • They operate in small groupsambush our positions, in order to inflict the maximum losses on our elements and get supplies of weapons and ammunition
    • To subject the FARDC to enormous losses and to commit serious atrocities among the civilian population in order to force our government in the concert of nations to demand a dialogue between ADF and the Ugandan government.
    • They carry out kidnappings of all categories, young, old, men and women among the civilian population.

    According to concordant sources, to date [Editor’s note in December 2013], there are more or less 650 cases of kidnapping in the civilian population, including key figures such as the 3 Catholic priests of Mbau and the doctor of Oicha.

    • They use children and women as human shields for negative publicity about the FARDC
    • In the event of an unfavorable balance of forces, they simply disperse in the forest and avoid any confrontation.

    Under the command of the late General Bahuma, the ADF was weakened and entrenched in the forests, content to abduct the civilians. Curiously, since the death of Bahuma and his replacement by “Mundos”, these alleged rebels seemed to have intensified their attacks and curiously, they no longer engaged in hostage-taking, their classic operating mode, but rather in killing people civilians (even babies) and heavy weapon attacks when confronting the regular army or MONUSCO forces.

    Questioned by analyzes of DESC and other international experts and under international pressure, Mundos will leave the command of Sokola 1 in Beni to be transferred first to Kalemie then to Bukavu at the head of the 33rd military region corresponding to the administrative territory of the province of South Kivu. Curiously, the displacement of Mundos in South Kivu will coincide with the amplification of the armed conflicts in this province which had known a certain relative calm for several months.

    Major General Charles Akili Muhindo « Mundos », Commander of the 33rd military region in South Kivu

    General Mundos, the creator of the “presumed ADF”   

    Charles Akili Muhindo, known as Mundos, is a Hunde from North Kivu. Like a large part of the Congolese soldiers, Akili Mundos is not a basic training soldier [8] . Before joining the FARDC, he was a self-defense militia leader of the Mai-Mai Hunde who were allied with Laurent-Désiré Kabila[9]. The Kabila’s main opponent at the time was the Nande politician and rebel leader Antipas Mbusa Nyamwisi, who headed the Uganda-backed RCD/K-ML.

    Mundos and a small part of his Mai-Mai force were finally integrated into the FARDC in 2005 during the brewing. Refusing that all of its militia be integrated into the FARDC, interpreted as a loss of its power at the local level, Mundos therefore opposed a complete demobilization / integration of another part of his Mayi-Mayi militia group. He saw it as a strategic interest to maintain his parallel strength in the region by retaining control of his Mai-Mai combatants. After joining FARDC, Mundos underwent training in the United States. In April 1998, Laurent-Désiré Kabila sent him with Joseph Kabila to China to undergo military training. This is where the two men got closer. The training was interrupted in August 1998 because they were called back to the country by Laurent-Désiré Kabila when the RCD-Goma rebellion began its attacks. Muhindo was one of the elements trained by the North Koreans in Katanga to constitute the Simba battalion, specialized in state terrorism[10]. He became the commander of this battalion. He was, then, be sent to Israel for further six-month training. Upon his return in 2008, he was appointed commander of Operation Rudia aimed at tracking down Ugandan rebels from Joseph Kony’s LRA in the former Province Orientale.

    General Mundos was the commander of Operation Sukola1 in Beni from September 2014 to June 2015 when curiously the massacres in Beni resumed spectacularly after the destruction of their bases by General Lucien Bauma. He was replaced by General Mbangu Mashita, whose results in Beni were not really negative, thwarting some internal plots.[11] Before being appointed commander of Sukola 1 operation, Mundos commanded the 32th battalion commando of the GR. This battalion continues to operate within Sokola 1, despite the transfer of Mundos to South Kivu.

    The report of the United Nations Group of Experts of May 23, 2016, S/2016/466, specifically named General Mundos and his FARDC officers[12] as men who supply arms and ammunition to the ADF. The report also cited Kinyarwanda-speaking people among the Beni killers.

    201.   The Group knows of eight individuals who were approached in 2014 by General Mundos to participate in the killings. Three ADF-Mwalika elements told the Group that, months before the killings began in September 2014, General Mundos had persuaded some elements of their group to merge with other elements who had been recruited. According to them, he financed and equipped the group with weapons, ammunition and FARDC uniforms. He came to their camp several times, sometimes wearing an FARDC uniform and sometimes in civilian clothes.(…) 203.   A former Mai Mai combatant also told the Group that he had been recruited by General Mundos. He said that the general had met him and explained that a training camp was being prepared in Mayangose in the coming weeks.”  

    “ …three ADF-Mwalika elements were eventually ordered to kill civilians.39 The group later received reinforcements from Kinyarwanda speakers coming from Rutshuru territory and from Uganda.

    In addition, according to certain economic operators in Beni, General Mundos is involved in the trafficking of gold, coltan, cassiterite, as well as in car sales from Dubai via Beni and precious wood exported to the Persian Gulf. He also became a cocoa supplier in Beni.

    The fallacious thesis of Islamic jihad to make confusion on the identity of the real killers of Beni

    Since the wave of massacres, there has been a change in rhetoric in the name of the Beni killers. Above all, there is a tactical change in the operating modes between the original ADFs which were led by Jamil Mukulu before his flight to Tanzania in February 2014 and the current “presumed ADF / MTMs (Madina at Tauheed Wau Mujahedeen)” which some attribute to allegiance to ISIS.

    Analysts note that the massacres which have been mourning the Beni region since October 2014 mark a complete break with the declared intentions and usual practices of the ADF, more oriented towards the kidnappings and targeted assassinations of people involved in their commercial activities, their trafficking, and against the FARDC. These are the stabbing massacres of the civilian population and violent confrontations with the Congolese armed forces and MONUSCO which constitute the new mode of operation for the “presumed ADF / MTM ” that no longer attack Uganda.

    The Congolese authorities almost systematically attribute the attacks to the ADFs alleged to be linked to the international Islamist terrorism without providing any tangible proof[13].

    In April 2019, the Islamic State (ISIS) reportedly claimed responsibility for its first attack in the DRC following an operation not officially confirmed by the ADF / MTM branch, which is said to have unsupported links with Ahlu- Sunnah Wa- Jamma, an Islamist group established in the north of Mozambique, having pledged allegiance to the Islamic State[14]. According to imprecise information, some Ahlu-Sunnah members (many of whom are involved in the illegal traffic of gold, rubies and timber) are being trained in mosques in Tanzania and the DRC. Links were also allegedly established between MTM and Al-Sunnah in 2018, when six MTM members were arrested by the Mozambican authorities during a raid on a camp by Ahlu Sunnah in the district of Mocimboa da Praia in Cabo Delgado.[15] However, this information does not show any Islamist armed activity by MTM in Beni in the areas where the original ADFs operated, according to local civil society sources. With these imprecisions on the presumed presence of ISIS in the DRC, it is more than likely that the so-called “ADF/MTM” movement invoked the name of Islamic State as a strategy for recruiting combatants or that this name change was done to attract the attention and consequent financial support of the Islamic State or Muslim countries like Sudan.[16]

    In his study on the Islamic threat in Africa of the Great lakes, Myrto Hatzigeorgopoulos arrives at the observation according to which, if the ADF was created by a hard core of radical Moslems, members of the Tabligh sect, and if the majority of the combatants were of Muslim faith, the group does not seem to be in a logic of ideological expansion of a radical Islam , and even less in a process of recruiting candidates for jihad.[17] Although the activities of the ADF present a major factor of insecurity for the populations of the east of the country. The ADF is not part of the movement of Islamist terrorism and does not participate in the “jihadosphere.”[18]

    From left to right: Kahimbi, Kalev and She Okitundu received in August 2018 by Kagame in Kigali

    The pro-Rwandan general Delphin Kahimbi, the creator of the so-called “ADF/MTM” which spread terror in Beni

    Former Chief of Military Intelligence Staff (Former DEMIAP), General Major Delphin Kahimbi, is currently Deputy Chief of General Staff responsible for intelligence. This AFDL veteran, of the havu ethnic group from Kalehe in South Kivu, was born in 1969. He remains one of Joseph Kabila’s loyal lieutenants. Delphin Kahimbi experienced a speed military rise within the FARDC. Trained in communications within the Rwandan Patriotic Army, Kahimbi has maintained excellent relations with the Rwandan military hierarchy and the Rwandophone soldiers serving in the FARDC to date. He was James Kabarebe’s signal officer between 1997 and 1998 when he was the FAC Chief of General Staff. He then became director of military communications at the land force staff headed at the time by Joseph Kabila. Kahimbi continues to maintain several local militias in the security disorder maintained in the Kivus.[19]

    As a result, General Kahimbi has a strong influence within the FARDC for having established contacts with several commanders of the operational troops whose radio links he provided during military operations. Kahimbi somehow plays the role of liaison officer between Joseph Kabila and Kagame. He continues to be negatively very active in eastern DRC, benefiting from the ignorant confidence of the new president.

    A Congolese military intelligence officer identifies General Kahimbi as being responsible for the recruitment and funding of the “alleged ADF” who kill in Beni. Kahimbi has set up a parallel network within the army which works with former Jamil Mukulu lieutenants who have returned and then joined the FARDC. These recruitments are mainly made in the circles of ADF veterans and in local militias, such as the Mayi-Mayi Uhuru[20] and Rwandophone killers identified as “Banyabwisha”[21], as being the nucleus of the “ presumed ADF/MTM” whose links with ISIS were not confirmed in the briefing by United Nations experts on December 19, 2019 [22]. According to this officer, a few weeks before the launch of the large-scale operations announced by President Tshisekedi, Kahimbi stayed in Beni. There, he held a military meeting. On the same day, at around 9 pm, he met at the Albertine Hotel in Beni, the heads of the “alleged ADF” branches, to whom he gave information on the launch of operations and on the military sites to be avoided. Our informant also talks about a supply and financing network for the activities of the Beni killers with cash that leaves Kinshasa towards Beni, transported by soldiers and civilian intermediaries connected to Kahimbi and Joseph Kabila. Witnesses in Beni are said to be ready to reveal the matter to international criminal justice.

    Besides Kahimbi, there is the name of Colonel Fabien Dunia Kashindi, who is more and more cited in the organization of massacres of civilians in Beni and Congolese soldiers who stand out in the fighting in Beni including a young second lieutenant Philippe Mushembula, killed and abandoned with his unit by his hierarchy, without supplies or reinforcements. Dunia is the head of the 22th Brigade of Rapid Response commando, called Ninja, deployed to the front center in the axis Mayangose-Watalinga. Dunia is described, by several soldiers at the front, as being an officer very devoted to Kabila, of whom he accomplishes dirty tasks by eliminating on the ground soldiers hostile to bad tactical choices offered to them by their hierarchy.

    Conclusion and recommendations

    Having started in the form of a Ugandan rebellion against the Museveni regime, the ADF ended up congolating to attack the Nande populations of North Kivu only exclusively. A people, who often disturb the Rwandan geoeconomic and hegemonic intentions in the DRC.[23]

    In this strategic transformation of the original ADFs which have become “ADF/MTM” according to Congolese military intelligence, Generals Mundos and Kahimbi, former military kingpin of Joseph Kabila in the east of the country, remain major players in the orchestration of this terror to Beni. However, no serious scientific study or relevant expert report tends to prove the radical jihadist character of the Beni killers. The latter are in all likelihood either FARDC soldiers close to Rwanda and acting under the orders of Kahimbi, or local militias maintained by Kahimbi and Mundos or Rwandophone and Rwandan fighters acting on behalf of the expansion of the Rwandan populations in Beni.

    Beni’s war, according to analyst Boniface Musavuli, is being waged, knowing that the officially designated enemy is neither “rebel”, “Islamist”, “Ugandan”, nor even “ADF”, while the civilians are atrociously killed by individuals whose description, by witnesses and survivors, in no way corresponds to the official narration. The question that arises, therefore, is to know what are the deep motivations of the political actors who convey the official narrative in contradiction with the reality on the ground.[24]

    As long as the Head of State, Félix Tshisekedi, will be unable to make a neutral and objective analysis of this situation and that he will continue to rely on generals imposed on him by Kabila, like John Numbi[25] and Kahimbi, with the support of the Rwandan army[26], the Beni massacres will never stop.

    While he had declared having exchanged the units and their unit heads in North Kivu, the reality is that the units in question continue to operate in Beni. New commanders sent to Beni, like General Jacques Changoliza Nduru[27] and other former Rwandophone rebels, are the very ones who were involved in the killings in the region.

    Securing eastern DRC first requires a good threat analysis to identify the enemy. It then goes through a real distancing of several unit commanders, with a rebel pro-Rwandan past as well as ex-rebel pro-Rwandan units in the region. We also recommend to President Tshisekedi to gradually bring about a real change at the head of the FARDC, by getting rid of criminal generals like John Numbi, Gabriel Amisi Tango Four, the number two in the army[28], Delphin Kahimbi, Akili Muhindo Mundos… The latter are all under international sanctions that must be maintained, and even increased by extending them to the person of Joseph Kabila. Finally, securing the DRC could not be effective without a deep reform of the FARDC which would allow them to become a republican army, efficient and modernized, and not an army of militias.[29]

    Jean-Jacques Wondo Omanyundu / DESC exclusivity


    [1] Rapport S/2015/19 du Groupe d’experts de l’ONU du 12 janvier 2015, p. 7, § 14.


    [3] The Tabligh is a fundamentalist movement of Islamic revivalism created in 1927 by the Indian theologian Muhammad Ilyas in the British Indies. Its creed is based on the essential idea that religious missionaryism is the most effective means of “bringing” the Muslim back to Islam. This very proselytizing preaching Islam advocates an ultra-rigorous and literal vision of Islam.

    [3] Fahey, Daniel, “Congo’s“ Mr X ”: the Man who Fooled the UN”, World Policy Journal , 33: 2 (2016), pp. 91-100, p. 98.

    [4] Congolese People’s Army.

    [5] He states that the APC has killed certain great leaders of the ADF, including their secretary general in the Ruwenzori massif in Lume, Kirivatha, Biangolo, Kikingi, Mwalika and Nadui. “The last offensive we waged against the ADF was led by Colonel Hilaire Kombi who had dislodged them from Mualika, one of their great bastions. This had been mentioned in a UN report in which it had been written: “This colonel and his troop have shown how they fight with determination”.

    [6] We assume that this is the current General Vainqueur Mayala, who was the commander of the former 8th Military Region (North Kivu) at the start of the M23 war. Following the offensive of M23 in Bunagana, on 6 July 2012, the Gen. Mayala and 600 FARDC soldiers fled to Kisoro in Uganda and abandoned a huge stock of heavy weapons, ammunition and tanks (Virunga News, 6/07/2012). Read also, Jean-Jacques Wondo, Les Forces armées de la RD Congo : Une armée irréformable ? (Desc 2014), p.77. We will understand later that this is the same stratagem used in 2000 in Pweto by Joseph Kabila during the fall of this strategic city for Laurent-Désiré Kabila, abandoning a huge stock of armaments to the Rwandan army. Mayala currently holds the position of Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations and Information Land Force as deputy Gen. Dieudonné Banze.  

    [7] Jeune Afrique, RDC : les rebelles de l’ADF-Nalu, nouvelle menace pour le Nord-Kivu, 17/07/2013.

    [8] Mundos is described by his GR colleagues as a brutal man with poor command skills in military operations. It was his GR troops, showing little fighting spirit, who were routed and took off in November 2012 when the city of Goma fell.

    [9] Laurent-Désiré Kabila financed and provided Mundos weapons during the war against RCD-Goma supported by Rwanda and Jean-Pierre Bemba’s MLC supported by Uganda, between 2000 and 2004.

    [10] It is at the head of this battalion that he will conduct the attack operations on the residence of Senator Jean-Pierre Bemba in March 2007.


    [12] “For example, an ADF cadre, a former Mai-Mai cadre, two FARDC officers and a local chief in Beni reported that an FARDC colonel, Katachanzu Hangi, supplied the ADF with ammunition, uniforms and products food. One source informed the Panel that Colonel Katachanzu had provided ADF with detailed information on the position of the FARDC in Eringeti so that the Allied Democratic Forces could seize the soldiers’ weapons when they attacked the city on November 29, 2015 ”, Report / S / 2016/466 of the UN Group of Experts on the DRC, May 23, 2016, p. 200.

    [13] .

    [14] ISIS in 2019 claimed responsibility for at least six extremist attacks perpetrated by Ahlu-Sunnah Wa- Jamma in Mozambique. On June 4, 2019, IS also also claimed responsibility for an attack in northern Mozambique.

    [15] Abdul Rahman Faisal Nsmaba, leader of the Usafi mosque in Kampala, was among the detainees.

    [16] See: Hovil, Lucy and Werker, Eric , op. cit . , p. 10; Titeca , Kristof and Vlassenroot , Koen, op. cit ., pp. 162, 166-167. Quoted by Myrto Hatzigeorgopoulos .

    [17] Fahey, Daniel, “Congo’s“ Mr X ”: the Man who Fooled the UN”, World Policy Journal , 33: 2 (2016), pp. 91-100, p. 98.

    [18] Myrto Hatzigeorgopoulos , op. cit., p.11.

    [19] .

    [20] .

    [21] According to Boniface Musavuli, kinyabwisha does not exist. It’s Kinyarwanda. The populations of Rwandan origin, established for a long time in the territory of Rutshuru, call themselves Banyabwisha just like the Banyamulenge to distinguish themselves from the “Banyarwanda” identity which has become too dirty. Hence the kinyabwisha .

    [22] .

    [23] .

    [24] .

    [25] .

    [26] .

    [27] -wondo / .

    [28] Amisi is the Deputy Chief of General Staff responsible for Operations and Intelligence. With a bloody rebel past, Amisi Tango 4, had contributed to the capture of Goma by the pro-Rwandan M23 rebellion in November 2012.

    [29] The centrifugal dynamics acting within the FARDC have the effect of creating an army of militias which obey only their respective direct leaders and not the hierarchical authorities provided for by the structures of the army. Read JJ Wondo, Les Forces armées de la RD Congo, une armée irréformable ?, 2015, p.272.

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