December 1, 2019 at 3:03 pm #48502CongoKeymaster
Richard Gisagara is terror in all power. The Pontoise lawyer , whose membership in the RPF and acquaintances with Paul Kagame Rwandan dictator and executioner of the Congolese people-ex Zairian are no longer to demonstrate. And Kagame’s right-hand man thinks he’s allowed in France as if he were in Rwanda. Counterfeiters of history and murderers of the memory of the victims of the Rwandan genocide are in Kigali and not in Paris. Last April, he allowed himself what a lawyer could not do. He lobbied the Mediapart club to unpublish Charles Onana’s online article: April 6, 1994-6 April 2019, 25 years of lies, silence on the assassination of two African heads of state! Culpable, Richard Gisagara was pleased on his Twitter account of this despicable. It’s like France under the occupation of the Third Reich of the Nazis. I had called him to express my disapproval. He replied, it was his client “Rwandan Community of France” who had asked this approach as if-it was above the law. Should not I have to go through a judge to dislodge Charles Onana’s article on my site? Richard Gisagara, this extremist Kagamist, has been allowed to make a complaint against having dared to publish Charles Onana. I am a victim of double punishment: depublication and trial!
Congolese journalist, I support Charles Onana’s approach to truth. Worthy son of Africa, seasoned journalist and experienced political scientist on the countries of the Great Lakes. The Democratic Republic of Congo is a victim of Ugandan-Rwandan aggression-invasion. Paul Kagame, the Rwandan dictator and executioner of the Congolese people (ex-Zairian), 12 million dead, is the largest arsonist, criminal and denial of the genocide he committed in Congo-ex-Zaire. Paul Kagame is the Conquistador, plunderer and recipient of resources of the Democratic Republic of Congo ex-Zaire. Paul Kagame is the instigator, promoter and financier of all the rebellions that plague eastern Democratic Republic of Congo: Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL), National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP) ), Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD) and they declared themselves Movement of March 23 (M23) whose demands are Rwandan and non Congolese. James Kabarebe, who was chief of staff under Laurent-Désiré Kabila, when the latter had decided that the Rwandans who had helped him to come to power returned home to Rwanda. Is not this the same James Kaberebe who became the Chief of Staff in Rwanda, who unleashed the second war of aggression against the DRC on August 2, 1998? Is not James Kabarebe the Minister of Defense of Paul Kagame?
How can one declare himself Congolese in the morning and in the evening be Rwandan? The criminal Laurent Nkundabatwaré who committed horrendous crimes in the DRC, to escape the International Criminal Court, did he not brandished his Rwandan nationality apparently acquired in 1991 and even waves his membership card of the intelligence services obtained in 1994, proving that he played an important role in the fall of the Rwandan Habyarimana regime. Bosco Ntanganda, who has just been sentenced to 30 years in prison at the ICC, Sultani Makenga, Jean Marie Runinga and other Rwandan criminals are not in the service of Paul Kagame? How does Richard Gisagara think he is imposing genocide on Rwandans even though they are Rwandans who committed the biggest genocide in the DRC, a silent genocide that no one wants to see because the primary objective is the plundering of resources? A political regime should not dictate its reading of history to academics and scientists, but rather data, sources, analysis and method. What I see about the 1994 events in Rwanda is that Paul Kagame’s regime is enlisting the services of some academics and many journalists to attack, discredit, and ultimately dictate its only reading of the events in Rwanda.
1. Charles Onana is the Franco-Cameroonian investigative journalist and political scientist who is honouring the continent of Africa. He has a track record and the defense of his doctoral thesis at the University of Lyon, is part of his coronation: “Operation Turquoise and media controversy, analysis of journalistic investigations, secret-defense documents and strategy military”. He analysed the accusations of the press on the role of France from 1994 to 2014. He confronted these data to many American archives, Rwandan, UN, French, and testimonies of leading actors … Contrary to Richard Gisagara, lawyer certainly, who defends blindly an ideology of the Rwandan bloody regime. Member of the RPF, the main architect of the dictatorial regime in Rwanda (justice to orders, press, journalists and muzzled media, extrajudicial executions … Richard Gisagara uses the democratic institutions of France to attack, seek to silence those who denounce the dictatorship Rwandan, Negationism and Revisionism are the two swords held by Paul Kagame and his bloodthirsty regime to muzzle.
Has Richard Gisagara received the approval of the Kigali regime, which alone holds the trigger of this weapon? political ends to muzzle Charles Onana is likely to turn against him and the dictatorial regime of Rwanda he defends.The disgrace will be Kagamian and splash all kagamists Charles Onana is far from an ideology.He defends facts and is not complacent In his biography, Charles Onana published several works in which he criticises France, for example in “France and its tirailleu rs: Investigation of the fighters of the republic, 1939-2003 “,” France-Ivory Coast: the rupture “,” 1940-1945: Blacks, Whites, Beurs: liberators of France “,” a French racism: the white communitarianism threatens the republic “. Charles Onana is a records man. Just for his latest book: Restoring the Truth About Operation Turquoise, Charles Onana has searched more than 400 UN Security Council documents. Richard Gisagara, even with his blower Paul Kagame, has an interest to revise his courses of rights, not to pick up before the judges!
2. Pierre Péan was criticised by his accusers that he was French White and did not know Africa. Franco-Cameroonian, Charles Onana is African! The Rwandan Community of France does not deny him the fact of not being African. Cameroon is Africa in miniature on the continent. Charles Onana is the true successor emeritus of the great investigative journalist Pierre Péan who was his friend. He has taken up the torch and he will bring it far and far. On July 31, 2019, the day of Pierre Péan’s burial at Bouffémont, Charles Onana attended Saint George’s Church for the funeral service. We had walked to the Bouffémont cemetery. And then in the municipal hall for the exhibition and testimonials. Throughout the day, Charles Onana cried with all his tears. I think he has taken the measure of his responsibility that day. Rwandan extremists will not dare to accuse Charles Onana of not being African and of understanding Africa. He is the apple of the eye for Congolese-ex-Zairians, Ivorians adulate him, Chadians, Sudanese, Senegalese like him, Rwandans mostly Hutu adopted him. Richard Gisagara, who is at the service of the Hitler regime and Nazi Paul Kagame is likely to end up with all the signs of the various African diasporas against his Paul Kagame at the Palais des Justice. To try to drive Pierre Pean, the accusers brought back from the Tutsi mourners of Kigali in Paris. All African women in the diaspora know how to cry.
3. The Rwandan genocide is used and abused as a goodwill. It is brandished as a ban to muzzle journalists, media, researchers, politicians, human rights activists … the Rwandan genocide is a screen! But Charles Onana proves by his research that the real goal of the RPF of Paul Kagame was the invasion of the Democratic Republic of Congo ex-Zaire to better loot its resources. To invade his lands and steal his wealth. This is the rub for all those who cherish and caress the Rwandan genocide to better smokey international opinion. These are crimes committed in the Congo, looting and receiving mineral resources from the Democratic Republic of Congo, which allowed Paul Kagame to build Rwanda and begin to boast as a better African leader.
4. Would Richard Gisagara want to make France a “Gulag” for journalists? Rwanda is ranked by Reporters Without Borders 155th out of 180 countries! Already in the land of the Thousand Hills, Rwandan lawmakers consider as a “humiliation” the publication of caricatures representing a personality of the state. The law provides for a two-year prison sentence and a fine of more than one thousand US dollars. And the penalty is double if the personality being the subject of the caricature is a deputy or a “high official”. For his first visit to France, under Nicolas Sarkozy, Paul Kagame had his disappointment: Alain Juppé, Minister of Foreign Affairs had knowingly absent to not meet him and shake his hand. The French soldiers were angry and went back against his presence in France. On September 12, 2011, it was us Congolese journalists who were prevented from asking questions to the Rwandan ministers at the Reception Center of the Foreign Press (CAPE). “Congolese journalist Roger Bongos was briefly arrested by French police on Monday, September 12, on the sidelines of the visit of Rwandan President Paul Kagame.
We attended the press conference of Louise Mushikiwabo, Rwandan Minister for Foreign Affairs, at the Reception Center. Roger Bongos was asked to leave the room to be held in a police van until the end of the press conference, with several incidents marking the visit of Rwandan President Paul Kagame to France. But an event went unnoticed.The scene takes place at the CAPE, the Reception Center of the Foreign Press in Paris, in front of the bridge Alexandre III.A Congolese journalist of the Afrique Rédaction site, Roger Bongos, was prevented from attending at the press conference of Louise Mushikiwabo, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Rwanda and several ministers, yet accredited by this press center, Roger Bongos was “invited” by the French police to leave the room and settle in a police van for the duration of the press conference. Joined by telephone, our colleague tells us to have settled in the conference room at 14:40 to prepare his equipment. At 3:15 pm two French policemen come to Roger Bongos, inviting him to follow them.
Outside the Center, the journalist asks the two men to explain that he “can not attend this conference”. Roger Bongos protested by showing them his EPA journalist card, the Association of Foreign Press. Nothing works, the journalist is loaded into a police van until 5:40 pm … time of the end of the press conference. Obviously, this Congolese journalist was not welcome at this meeting between several Rwandan ministers and the foreign press in Paris. “It is true that the visit of the Rwandan president took place in a climate of permanent tension. Rwandan who considers himself hunted and muzzled and Congolese DRC who hold responsible for Paul Kagame of all their woes in the east of the country, the Rwandan and French security services were on their teeth.For all these reasons, some media ” hostile to the presidential visit is obviously the case of Roger Bongos, a journalist, admittedly committed, and of his site Afrique Rédaction, who was moved by his misadventure, Roger Bongos was very surprised this type of practice takes place in France “in the country of human rights.” Many journalists present at the CAPE protested against this obstacle to the freedom of the pr esse in France At the top of the Francophonie in Yerevan in Armenia, I Freddy Mulongo, I was muzzled by Louis Mushikiwabo who was appointed Secretary General of the OIF! Yerevan: A “Moderator-Museleur” gagging for Louise Mushikiwabo!
5. Richard Gisagara must know that he does not have a lawsuit against a White Pierre Péan but against an African Charles Onana. This process that he asks to a son of non Rwandan Africa that he knows that it will be that of the intelligence, networks and lobbies. He did not win in advance. We are not in Kigali where justice is in order, the press, journalists and media are gagged, extrajudicial executions are committed to defend the hegemonic ideology of those in power. We are in Paris, city of light, the difference is big. Several serious investigations conducted in different countries and by different actors prove the activities of espionage, surveillance as well as assassinations of Rwandan opponents and activists or others who are critical of Paul Kagame’s dictatorial and bloodthirsty regime. or denounce his crimes. Among these surveys:
In Belgium, state security “confirms that Rwandan intelligence services are active” on Belgian soil. “They are mainly trying to weaken what is perceived as a potential political threat emanating from the Rwandan opposition in Belgium”.
In the United States, the US giant Whatsapp concluded that Rwanda was among the countries that resorted to smartphone hacking of its opponents and critics. In the United States Senate a survey is about to start as well.
In Canada, the journalist Chantal Lavigne in her report “Spies Among Us” tells about the criminal activities of espionage and assassination of the Rwandan dictatorship.
In Australia ABC has come to the same conclusions of espionage and intimidation of Rwandan refugees in Australia.
In South Africa and Kenya, several embassy officials have been arrested or deported for their activities, including assassinations and assassination attempts, some of which have been half-hearted by Paul Kagame himself.
In the United Kingdom, the British government warned, three British nationals that their lives were in danger, and that the threat came from the Rwandan government.
Restore the truth about Operation Turquoise!
Rwandan genocide. For twenty-five years, the accusations swelled against the French army and its alleged role during Operation Turquoise in 1994. In his book “Rwanda, the truth about Operation Turquoise”, the journalist Charles Onana investigates and makes speak the archives (including those of the International Criminal Tribunal and the UN Security Council). He presents us his discoveries. Researchers, journalists, activists and above all the current regime of Kigali strive to regularly support that the French military, who deployed as early as 22 June in Goma (Zaire), then the following days in Rwanda, have committed or supported the worst crimes against humanity in this country. A former French officer, Guillaume Ancel, has also come to lend a hand to the already numerous accusers, bringing, through his public interventions, a form of credit or “legitimacy” to these accusations.
Rwandan authorities charge the French
Simply, few people have taken the time to examine the merits of these accusations or the evidence adduced by the accusers to support their claims. This is the exercise I have been holding for more than ten years by interviewing key witnesses and scrutinising various archives including those of the UN Security Council, the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda. (UNAMIR), the Elysee, President Clinton and the French Ministry of Defense. Beyond the necessary critical distance vis-à-vis all these archives, the best guarantee of obtaining an irrefutable result in the examination of the accusations was the analysis of the military strategy of the actors present on the ground. Thus, I sifted the military action of the multinational force Turquoise, that of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (APR) led by Paul Kagame, that of the Rwandan Armed Forces (FAR) and, ultimately, that of the blue helmets UNAMIR.
This precaution makes it possible, in case of non-disclosure of certain documents for reasons specific to the defense-secret or reason of state, to seize the real orders given to the soldiers but also the political objectives pursued by the ones and the others. Military action ends up betraying the political prescription.
In addition, my initial hypothesis was that the charges against Operation Turquoise were true, but that it was necessary to prove their veracity. So, I went looking for the evidence and sources that the accusers relied on. My surprise was great as published articles were poor, statements hollow, inconsistent and riddled with factual errors. To be precise, it is necessary to take examples of what is alleged sometimes by the Rwandan authorities themselves, sometimes by journalists or French militants.
The first accusation is that the soldiers of Operation Turquoise left for Rwanda not to carry out a humanitarian mission decided by the UN Security Council but rather to support a Hutu regime in distress. France’s support would therefore be, according to the Rwandan Minister of Justice, Tharcisse Karugarama, both “diplomatic and military”. This accusation, clearly formulated in a statement of 5 August 2008 by Paul Kagame’s regime, is based on the fact that former Rwandan Foreign Minister Jerome Bicamumpaka was received at the Quai d’Orsay towards the end of the month. April 1994. The visit, aimed at obtaining support from the French authorities to curb the escalation of violence and a ceasefire between Tutsi rebels of the RPA and Hutu government forces (FAR), failed. The French leaders refused to give any follow-up to the Rwandan Minister of Foreign Affairs that the rebels were already dealing with “genocide”.
After reviewing the documents of the French Ministries of Cooperation and Foreign Affairs, the mere fact of having received Mr. Jerome Bicamumpaka would in itself be evidence of support from France to “genocide”. No other evidence is adduced to support this accusation. As for France’s position on the Security Council, there is no statement, no document attesting to any support from France to the interim government to which the former Rwandan Minister of Foreign Affairs belonged; further evidence, this Minister was acquitted of all charges before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). The conclusion on this point is that even though the French leaders welcomed Mr. Bicamumpaka in April 1994, they never received through him a “genocide” as has been tirelessly repeated for two decades! Thus, the charge of “diplomatic” support of France to alleged “genocidaires” is ultimately based on nothing.
The second usual accusation is the delivery of weapons by elements of Operation Turquoise to the FAR in Zairian territory. It is supported by the same minister Tharcisse Karugarama, and amplified by the journalist Patrick de Saint-Exupéry and for some time by Captain Guillaume Ancel, who was at the time an officer in Operation Turquoise.
Journalist Patrick de Saint-Exupéry and officer Guillaume Ancel unable to produce evidence The source on which the current Rwandan leaders rely would be a statement by Colonel Luc Marchal, a Belgian UNAMIR officer who prefaced my book. He confirmed to me never to have seen a delivery of weapons of the French soldiers to the FAR.
As for journalist Patrick de Saint-Exupéry, he has constantly brandished a mysterious anonymous witness who would be a high official of the Elysee. Summoned by the judges of the High Court and the Court of Appeal to produce evidence relating to his accusations against Operation Turquoise soldiers following a complaint from the latter, he appeared at each hearing, empty-handed and without the presence of the “high official of the Elysee” which we do not know if it ever existed. In the end, he was sentenced twice and the magistrates of the Court of Cassation have even considered that what he blames the soldiers of Turquoise is not based “on a sufficient factual basis” allowing their involvement. Captain Ancel, supporting the same accusations as Patrick de Saint-Exupéry, did not, either, bring, beyond his peremptory declarations, precise elements allowing to know to which FAR officers the weapons would have been delivered. and what weapons were said to have been delivered in July 1994. The other problem with this French officer is that he drew up an end-of-mission report on 15 September 1994 without ever mentioning any delivery of weapons to FAR and that he granted an interview to the Nouvelle Revue d’Artillerie published in December 1994 without mentioning this delivery of weapons. Moreover, the acts evoked in this late awakening and totally inaccurate would be in total contradiction with the instructions of the chief of staff of the French army, Admiral Lanxade, and with the policy led by President François Mitterrand and by Prime Minister Edouard Balladur. In view of the extreme reserves of the latter, no soldier of Turquoise could take such a risk moreover not in conformity with the mandate of the UN.
By examining only these few accusations that have been flourishing for twenty-five years in a number of French media and in some academic circles, they all appear fragile, inconsistent and even erroneous.
Rwanda, the truth about Operation Turquoise, edition of the Gunner, 666p., 2019. Preface by Colonel Luc Marchal; commander of the blue helmets in Rwanda – Kigali sector
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